Manipur is a land of immense complexity and beauty. At its heart is the Imphal valley, homeland to the Meiteis, the largest community of the state, carrying the majority tag but living on about 10 per cent of the territorial area.

Flanking the lush valley are the hills, dominated largely by the Kuki and Naga tribes and their various sub-groups. To the east is the international border with Myanmar; to the south, north and west are Mizoram, Nagaland and Assam.

Manipur is landlocked but the Imphal valley is the source of political and economic dominance. It is where Imphal, the capital, lies, a historic town where in the past years a surge of investment and growth has spurred new infrastructure such as hospitals and education hubs, sporting centres, roads, bridges, malls, hotels and government buildings as well as homes, both modest and lavish.

Taking advantage of the Centre’s policies, successive state governments have emphasised Manipur’s locational advantage and proximity to Southeast Asia despite the civil unrest in Myanmar. The easing of internal conflicts between the state and armed groups (located both in Manipur and Myanmar) has given a new sense of confidence over the past years with the return of many expatriates to start new lives, livelihoods and businesses.

At one point, Manipur was the most scarred part of the Northeast with confrontations between armed groups and security forces as innocents became collateral damage.

The hills, both Naga and Kuki-dominated, have long worn a tired look of neglect and despondency with fractured infrastructure and poor physical and digital connectivity. Charges are tossed about that the valley has profited and developed at the expense of its hill neighbors.

Yet, a sense of energy and change has been palpable in many parts of the state. Over the years, icons like Mary Kom, the boxer, and other international sportspersons have instilled a sense of state, regional and national pride.

Chief minister Biren Singh has led outreach programmes and initiatives in the hills that have been well received.

But suddenly, in the space of a few days, all this lay in tatters with tens of thousands fleeing their homes in fear and taking refuge in relief camps run by the army and paramilitary forces as well as the local police.

The deep divide and distrust that has emerged is reflected in the commentary that while both communities felt safe in the army-run camps, Kukis said they felt vulnerable in camps organised by the Manipur police.

Kuki homes, businesses, offices and villages have become the target of attacks by mobs in Imphal and the valley, forcing people to rush onto the streets, some having to scale walls to escape.

Similarly, Meiteis have found themselves at the receiving end in Churachandpur and other spaces. Yet, there are compelling stories of courage and hope from both sides — Kuki women linked arms to prevent mobs from attacking Meiteis; in Imphal, Meiteis took in and protected their Kuki neighbours.

Each side has many narratives and reasons for the unprecedented violence. One trigger is said to be the Manipur High Court’s direction to the state government to take a position on the vexed and long-pending issue of whether the Meiteis can be declared a Scheduled Tribe, a move the tribal groups say will undercut their status and access to facilities. (The Supreme Court said this week that no high court has the right to declare a group as Scheduled — such a matter has to go through a complex process of review before affirmation.)

Another is that drug rings are involved. A third speaks of government campaigns to end poppy cultivation in the Kuki hills and replace it with medicinal ganja.

Talk of “illegal immigration” is resented by the Kukis. Then there are accounts of rebel groups and vigilantes snatching weapons and making away with them.

The deep fault lines in Manipur between the tribal groups and the Meiteis as well as between the major tribal groups, the Kukis and the Nagas, have long existed. A swirl of suspicion and mutual prejudice flows just under the fragile surface; it only needs a trigger to provoke a swift and bitter confrontation.

Yet, both civil society and governments have failed to tackle this admittedly difficult but core issue in a sustained manner over the decades. Thus, the scars of the Naga-Kuki conflict of the 1990s may have healed but the memories remain.

A searing backlash from the Imphal valley to an attempt by the central government in the year 2000 to impose a ceasefire without limits with the main Naga rebel group forced it to backtrack. Many Nagas, concerned about their vulnerability, left Imphal for the Naga-dominated hills.

Similarly, evacuations of Kukis and Meiteis this time around have led each side to move to places where it feels more secure. The ghettoisation of communities is well under way. Trust is the biggest casualty.

Despite Internet shutdowns, news (fake or fair) does spread. The images of burning homes and villages and the rising pall of smoke, of gunfire and violence, have sped across the world. These impact supply lines but also investor interest and confidence. In today’s interconnected world, no state or community is either an island or landlocked.

It is beyond the scope of this brief opinion piece to suggest a remedy but a limited set of steps are offered for the short term.

The first is that the Centre, as an honest broker, needs to announce a time-bound, official and transparent inquiry into the roots of the violence and pinpoint accountability.

The second is that civil society leaders of all communities and well-wishers, including those from other states, need to come together to hold peace dialogues in all districts where violence has erupted.

This situation involves us all since members of communities of one state reside in other states. Several states from within and outside the region have been organising evacuations of their own people from Manipur by special flights or convoys. Mizoram, which has strong ethnic ties with the Kukis, has reportedly taken in more than 3,000 people who’ve fled.

State governments are also keeping an eye on preventing fights between Kukis and Meiteis in places like Shillong and Delhi, far from home. To prevent ghettoisation and ensure the stability and vibrancy of a multi-ethnic and multi-cultural state, governments need to provide swift and substantial compensation and urgent security to the victims of the riots and help them rebuild their lives, homes and businesses where they lived, if they so desire.

This will take time since it will need the support of neighbours and may prove the toughest part of this process. A step-by-step approach is needed.

The sensitive issue of ST status may be discussed after stability and peace are restored; an inclusive tripartite process of dialogue between the Centre, state and the tribal groups may be considered.

Let the mantra be that every issue can be resolved through dialogue, no matter how difficult.