Auto driver Arjun Singh describes himself as chief minister Ashok Gehlot’s “biggest fan”.

He repeats what many local people say about the Congress leader contesting for a sixth term from Jodhpur City’s Sardarpura seat.

“No one has worked for Jodhpur like he has,” says Arjun, who goes on to list Gehlot’s welfare schemes that his family has availed of.

“Par badlav ka hawa chal raha hai (But the winds of change are blowing). People say the BJP is coming to power. The chief minister will win from here, but maybe if there is a new government, it will work better.”

Similar voter bipolarity comes through at a “hathai” — the Marwari equivalent of an “adda” — on Wednesday evening at the Mahamandir market.

Gehlot’s ancestral house is in the area, and his sister still lives here. Every other person here has anecdotes about Gehlot’s career from the time he was a student activist, his father Laxmansingh’s career as a municipal representative, and their feats as performing magicians and politicians.

“Chiranjeevi isn’t a rewri (a euphemism used by Prime Minister Narendra Modi for worthless sops). Is Ayushman Bharat also a rewri?” Gajendra Parihar says, comparing the health insurance schemes of the state and the Centre.

“We 100 per cent want Gehlotji. He will change this trend of Rajasthan changing parties every five years.”

Akshay Kumar interjects: “He laid a few parks and roads. What is their condition today? Gehlotji may win but the BJP is coming to power. The wind is favourable to them.”

Although several civic projects have been executed here during Gehlot’s tenure, Jodhpur lacks public toilets, and the asphalt has worn off even on some arterial roads.

Parihar leaves. Kumar whispers that Parihar supports the chief minister because they are both Malis — an OBC caste spread across the state and estimated to make up a sixth of Sardarpura’s electorate.

Pointing at the Mahasagar Park in the neighbourhood, railway employee Mahendra Singh says: “This was a lake that had become a cesspool. Gehlotji turned this one, as well as another dried-up lake in the city, into parks…. I want him to return to power as there has not been a better chief minister — for Jodhpur at least.”

He adds: “There is political tolerance. The RSS holds a shakha in this park. A few old men attend the shakha and bring some children along…. Our area has Malis, Brahmins, Lakheras, Rajputs, Jains and other communities, all living in harmony.”

Asked whether he is a Mali too, Singh chuckles and replies: “I am a Rajput. But we consider the chief minister’s family our own. He has kept in touch with the people here and is humble. I don’t think there is any other leader like him in the state. Sachin Pilot is not a long-innings player like him, and the BJP has no one of Gehlot’s stature.”

The culture and architecture of the Rajputs, of which the local royal family is the fountainhead, is the dominant culture of the Marwar region. BJP candidate Mahendra Rathore, a professor and former chairperson of the Jaipur Development Authority, is a Rajput.

Rajeev Kachhwaha, who is from a prominent Rajput family in the city, sells batteries at the historic Haider Building. His calm demeanour belies the fact that his monthly turnover has fallen from Rs 70 lakh to Rs 6 lakh since the pandemic, with barely a tenth of it as profit.

“I manage because I own the premises. The monthly rent for shops like mine is one lakh (rupees)…. Neither the Centre nor the state supports the small businesses, which were hit the worst during the pandemic. The banks forsook us and sent recovery agents,” the trader, who has just paid a penalty for defaulting on an electricity bill, says.

“Make healthcare universally free, but not anything else. There is a labour shortage as many youths are content with the subsidised rations and other government schemes,” he adds, when asked about the welfare measures his famous MLA is known for.

The Congress has promised interest-free loans of up to Rs 5 lakh to small businesses.

At the taxi stand outside Jodhpur railway station, driver Mosin Khan says: “I have never worked as hard as I have in the last three years…. If not for Gehlotji’s schemes, my family would probably go hungry and my parents wouldn’t get medical treatment.”

Fellow taxi driver Laxman Singh agrees but says: “Gehlotji may win but his government is going. People want a Hindu government. No government will stop his schemes.”

Abdul Wahid, a laundry owner in upmarket Sardarpura, is more concerned about the comments he hears from customers than he is about the outcome of the polls.

“This election is not about performance. The BJP has pushed performance aside and made it about religion. I don’t feel OK. Some customers say rude things to us. I ignore them, as I have a business to run,” he says.

Scores of youths have packed into a small coaching class near Wahid’s shop. They are cramming for government exams, eight of which were cancelled in the last five years because of paper leaks.

Suresh Bishnoi, who is preparing for the teachers’ exam, says: “Vacancies should be filled. Jobs are our biggest need…. The BJP is only asking for votes in the name of Hinduism, unlike the Congress which is asking for votes based on its performance.”

His friends laugh and call him a “Congressi”.

“So many scams have happened in recruitment,” says one of his classmates. “Both the chief minister and the Prime Minister are good, but how can you support the Congress?” he asks Bishnoi.

“I am no Congressi,” avers Arvind Agrawal, who sells furniture on Jaswant Sarai.

“But every trader will tell you that the market is down and it’s the Centre that is primarily responsible for its recovery. Whoever wins, Modiji will be forced to do something for small businesses now. On the whole, Gehlotji has done well but the BJP campaign has picked up in the last 10 days. Hawa hai (There’s a wind blowing).”