Amidst the clamour and campaigns for Manipur — a state contorted by ethnic turmoil for over three months — and the incomprehensible silence of our prime minister broken yesterday in response to a horrifying video, a little niche in the Northeast has emerged as the crucible of succour. For those fleeing their homes in dread or desperation, Mizoram, the land of the blue hills tucked away in the southernmost corner of northeastern India, is the new beacon of hope. Its chief minister, Zoramthanga, has opened his state to refugees from Myanmar, Bangladesh and, most recently, the ‘internally displaced people’ of Manipur on “humanitarian grounds”.
The chief minister stressed that his state was an “eternal home” for all Zo ethnic tribes and “equally a safe haven for non-ethnic and law-abiding citizens”. He tweeted: “Humanitarian assistance as a responsible Government, we don’t have much but we are ready to share!” His government has sanctioned five crore rupees for relief measures.
In the last couple of years, Mizoram has seen an influx of refugees from Myanmar (with which it shares a 510-km border), Bangladesh (across a 318-km border) and, recently, from Manipur (situated to its northeast across a 95-km boundary), raising concerns over its internal security situation. Officials claim that the influx from Bangladesh is particularly worrying with the potential for smuggling of narcotics and weapons. Several recent arrests prove the concern is not unfounded.
Mizoram has sought Rs 10 crore from the Centre to provide relief to over 12,000 people displaced by ethnic violence in adjoining Manipur. Belonging to the Zo community, these IDPs began trickling in after violence broke out in Manipur on May 3, adding to over 40,000 ethnically-related people displaced from Myanmar and Bangladesh since February 2021. A government spokesperson said that Zoramthanga wrote to the prime minister, Narendra Modi, on May 16 and May 23, seeking financial support to feed and take care of the IDPs fleeing Manipur. The Centre is yet to respond.
According to Professor Malsawmliana, an office-bearer of the Central Young Mizo Association, an organisation playing a pivotal role in ensuring the wellbeing of the refugees, “Almost all the relief camps are run and maintained by YMA. For example, there are 13 relief camps in Aizawl, of which 11 are run by the YMA. We have a transit camp in the CYMA complex and we distribute to other relief camps run by YMA branches in their own buildings. We have exerted pressure on the state government to provide more relief camps,” he added.
Working on the ground and interacting with the refugees and IDPs, the journalist, Ezrela Dalidia Fanai, said what struck her about the Myanmar refugees “is their will to survive and hopes for their country to be normal again. Many of them tell me that they will return to Myanmar. But the IDPs from Manipur are low on hope. Some say that they have lost everything and have no desire to return to Manipur. But several young men said they have come here as they need access to the internet to work and are planning to go back soon to defend their villages.” Efforts are also on to enrol nearly 2,000 children displaced from Manipur in Mizoram’s government-run schools. “They may return, but their education must not suffer,” an official said.
With Mizoram’s assembly elections due this year, the state’s “humanitarian gesture” towards the continuous flow of refugees could well become a poll plank. The deputy chief minister, Tawnluia, said that the MNF’s genesis was hinged on “establishing a homeland for all [Zo] ethnic tribes.” Given the video that has just surfaced on the disrobing and parading of women in Manipur 77 days ago, Mizoram’s role will grow increasingly crucial: either as an interlocutor in peace overtures or a receptacle for refugees.